Friday, 20 July 2012
Tuesday, 17 July 2012
Will things get worse before they get better for Libya?
Graffiti covers the walls of Libya's cities; caricatures of Gaddafi and bold paintings of the Libya accompany slogans of "Game Over" in Arabic and English. Whilst the game might well be up for Gaddafi and the previous regime which held the country captive for so many years, the sound of gunfire is a telling sign that the fight is far from over.
Since the revolution distrust has infected the population as they desperately search for a true alternative which promises more than just the old ideals, newly packaged. They search for an alternative which would bring a new beginning to the people of Libya. But Libya is divided along many lines. Many fear loyalists to Gaddafi are still in positions of power and are waiting to seize control once more. The reaction of many has been to form private militias which are concerned with the interests of a few. These armies are often based on regional divides and thus many of the conflicts between them originate from territorial disagreements. With the election looming many also centre on the struggle to gain political power in the newly emerging state for which they fought.
Welders, shop-keepers and teachers. The revolution turned these men into fighters and, many would argue, heroes. Yet their role in the rebuilding of Libya is tarnished by corruption, violence and disorder. It is not enough that many lost their lives in the fighting, but the death toll continues to rise as groups turn on each other. Lead by untrained commanders, the militias say they are fighting for democracy. They do not trust the government and the national army is seen as a threat to the Libya they want.
But in this time of wide-spread instability, people are resorting to desperate measures in order to gain some sort of control. Without a single enemy, the different groups seek out "the next most dangerous difference" in the form of minorities. The detention centres, run by ex-civilians with no training, house thousands of black migrants who are told there is no place for them in the new Libya despite having lived and worked there for most of their lives. Those suspected of supporting Gaddafi are tortured and often killed in an attempt to purge the country of a regime which worked through similar systems of terror. Despite the highly publicised activity of women in the revolution, support for the women running for election is dubious and their posters are graffitied with mocking or sexist rhetoric.
Human rights monitors are stretched to capacity attempting to flag up abuses. There is no legal system in place to enforce laws or bring offenders to trial let alone to give a fair trial to those wrongly accused who are suffering in the appalling conditions of Libya's make-shift prisons.
Since the revolution distrust has infected the population as they desperately search for a true alternative which promises more than just the old ideals, newly packaged. They search for an alternative which would bring a new beginning to the people of Libya. But Libya is divided along many lines. Many fear loyalists to Gaddafi are still in positions of power and are waiting to seize control once more. The reaction of many has been to form private militias which are concerned with the interests of a few. These armies are often based on regional divides and thus many of the conflicts between them originate from territorial disagreements. With the election looming many also centre on the struggle to gain political power in the newly emerging state for which they fought.
Welders, shop-keepers and teachers. The revolution turned these men into fighters and, many would argue, heroes. Yet their role in the rebuilding of Libya is tarnished by corruption, violence and disorder. It is not enough that many lost their lives in the fighting, but the death toll continues to rise as groups turn on each other. Lead by untrained commanders, the militias say they are fighting for democracy. They do not trust the government and the national army is seen as a threat to the Libya they want.
But in this time of wide-spread instability, people are resorting to desperate measures in order to gain some sort of control. Without a single enemy, the different groups seek out "the next most dangerous difference" in the form of minorities. The detention centres, run by ex-civilians with no training, house thousands of black migrants who are told there is no place for them in the new Libya despite having lived and worked there for most of their lives. Those suspected of supporting Gaddafi are tortured and often killed in an attempt to purge the country of a regime which worked through similar systems of terror. Despite the highly publicised activity of women in the revolution, support for the women running for election is dubious and their posters are graffitied with mocking or sexist rhetoric.
Human rights monitors are stretched to capacity attempting to flag up abuses. There is no legal system in place to enforce laws or bring offenders to trial let alone to give a fair trial to those wrongly accused who are suffering in the appalling conditions of Libya's make-shift prisons.
Tuesday, 10 July 2012
Where are we now?
Addressing the Muslim world from Cairo in June 2009, President Obama stated, that "The United States does not accept the legitimacy of continued Israeli settlements". "This construction violates previous agreements and undermines efforts to achieve peace. It is time for these settlements to stop." This firm declaration of intolerance for foul play resonated across the Middle East and, many believe, prompted Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu to announce his support for a "Demilitarised Palestinian State" for the first time. Despite this being a step in the right direction as he had previously refused to even consider negotiations with Hamas, the conditions under which such a state would be recognised were restrictive and controversial:
At the 66th Session of the United nations, the PA led a diplomatic campaign to be recognised as the State of Palestine as defined by 1967 borders and with East Jerusalem as its capital as well as stating that Palestinians would not recognise the State of Israel. The request to become the 194th member state of the UN was submitted to Secretary General Ban Ki-moon has not yet been voted on.
- Jerusalem should remain the capital of Israel
- Palestine would have no army
- Palestinians refugees would surrender in their fight for "right of return"
- Jewish settlements in the West Bank would be allowed "natural growth" until further negotiation on their status was complete
At the 66th Session of the United nations, the PA led a diplomatic campaign to be recognised as the State of Palestine as defined by 1967 borders and with East Jerusalem as its capital as well as stating that Palestinians would not recognise the State of Israel. The request to become the 194th member state of the UN was submitted to Secretary General Ban Ki-moon has not yet been voted on.
Dishonesty, Desperation and Destruction
The Road Map for Peace
"In exchange for statehood, the road map requires the Palestinian Authority to make democratic reforms and abandon the use of violence. Israel, for its part, must support and accept the emergence of a reformed Palestinian government and end settlement activity of the Gaza Strip and West Bank as the Palestinian terrorist threat is removed"
In November 2004, Leader of the Palestinian Liberation Organisation Fatah Party and chairman of the Palestinian Authority,Yasser Arafat, died. Suspicions about the dishonest use of foreign aid money for personal expenses amongst Arafat and other PA officials began to gain prominence and caused many Palestinians to transfer support to Hamas. Although more violent and openly encouraging acts of terrorism against the Israeli people, Hamas were perceived as more direct, honest and purposeful (the group initiated many public services and institutions). They do not recognise Israel's right to exist and object to any peace negotiations. Despite being threatened with economic sanctions (an economic boycott was suggested by the US and EU countries) Hamas refuse to denounce their views and are committed to the destruction of the Israeli community which is views as illegal. At the same time, Israel refuse to attempt negotiations with, what it sees as, a terrorist organisation.
In line with this, in 2006, Hamas orchestrated an attack on Israeli forces when a group managed to cross the border from Gaza (from where the group were also firing rockets at Israeli communities) sparking conflict in the region. As the violence raged on, it also began to turn in on itself; Fatah-Hamas conflict in Gaza dominated 2007 and resulted in the death of many Fatah leaders (with other fleeing to Egypt and the West Bank). Nevertheless, Fatah remained in control of the Gaza strip and formed a coalition under President Abbas - although this was criticised for ignoring the fact that public support was predominantly for Hamas. November 2007 saw the first formal support of the two-state solution by both parties after the Annapolis Conference.
A truce was implemented, but eventually ended in 2009 with both sides claiming the other violated the terms of the truce (through acts of terrorism by Palestinians, and through the failure to lift the blockade on Gaza and halt development of settlements by Israelis). Both sides attacked each other fiercely and subsequently the Israeli ground invasion began, killing over 1000 Palestinian combatants and civilians.
"In exchange for statehood, the road map requires the Palestinian Authority to make democratic reforms and abandon the use of violence. Israel, for its part, must support and accept the emergence of a reformed Palestinian government and end settlement activity of the Gaza Strip and West Bank as the Palestinian terrorist threat is removed"
In November 2004, Leader of the Palestinian Liberation Organisation Fatah Party and chairman of the Palestinian Authority,Yasser Arafat, died. Suspicions about the dishonest use of foreign aid money for personal expenses amongst Arafat and other PA officials began to gain prominence and caused many Palestinians to transfer support to Hamas. Although more violent and openly encouraging acts of terrorism against the Israeli people, Hamas were perceived as more direct, honest and purposeful (the group initiated many public services and institutions). They do not recognise Israel's right to exist and object to any peace negotiations. Despite being threatened with economic sanctions (an economic boycott was suggested by the US and EU countries) Hamas refuse to denounce their views and are committed to the destruction of the Israeli community which is views as illegal. At the same time, Israel refuse to attempt negotiations with, what it sees as, a terrorist organisation.
In line with this, in 2006, Hamas orchestrated an attack on Israeli forces when a group managed to cross the border from Gaza (from where the group were also firing rockets at Israeli communities) sparking conflict in the region. As the violence raged on, it also began to turn in on itself; Fatah-Hamas conflict in Gaza dominated 2007 and resulted in the death of many Fatah leaders (with other fleeing to Egypt and the West Bank). Nevertheless, Fatah remained in control of the Gaza strip and formed a coalition under President Abbas - although this was criticised for ignoring the fact that public support was predominantly for Hamas. November 2007 saw the first formal support of the two-state solution by both parties after the Annapolis Conference.
A truce was implemented, but eventually ended in 2009 with both sides claiming the other violated the terms of the truce (through acts of terrorism by Palestinians, and through the failure to lift the blockade on Gaza and halt development of settlements by Israelis). Both sides attacked each other fiercely and subsequently the Israeli ground invasion began, killing over 1000 Palestinian combatants and civilians.
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