Abigail Grace - Blog
Friday, 20 July 2012
Tuesday, 17 July 2012
Will things get worse before they get better for Libya?
Graffiti covers the walls of Libya's cities; caricatures of Gaddafi and bold paintings of the Libya accompany slogans of "Game Over" in Arabic and English. Whilst the game might well be up for Gaddafi and the previous regime which held the country captive for so many years, the sound of gunfire is a telling sign that the fight is far from over.
Since the revolution distrust has infected the population as they desperately search for a true alternative which promises more than just the old ideals, newly packaged. They search for an alternative which would bring a new beginning to the people of Libya. But Libya is divided along many lines. Many fear loyalists to Gaddafi are still in positions of power and are waiting to seize control once more. The reaction of many has been to form private militias which are concerned with the interests of a few. These armies are often based on regional divides and thus many of the conflicts between them originate from territorial disagreements. With the election looming many also centre on the struggle to gain political power in the newly emerging state for which they fought.
Welders, shop-keepers and teachers. The revolution turned these men into fighters and, many would argue, heroes. Yet their role in the rebuilding of Libya is tarnished by corruption, violence and disorder. It is not enough that many lost their lives in the fighting, but the death toll continues to rise as groups turn on each other. Lead by untrained commanders, the militias say they are fighting for democracy. They do not trust the government and the national army is seen as a threat to the Libya they want.
But in this time of wide-spread instability, people are resorting to desperate measures in order to gain some sort of control. Without a single enemy, the different groups seek out "the next most dangerous difference" in the form of minorities. The detention centres, run by ex-civilians with no training, house thousands of black migrants who are told there is no place for them in the new Libya despite having lived and worked there for most of their lives. Those suspected of supporting Gaddafi are tortured and often killed in an attempt to purge the country of a regime which worked through similar systems of terror. Despite the highly publicised activity of women in the revolution, support for the women running for election is dubious and their posters are graffitied with mocking or sexist rhetoric.
Human rights monitors are stretched to capacity attempting to flag up abuses. There is no legal system in place to enforce laws or bring offenders to trial let alone to give a fair trial to those wrongly accused who are suffering in the appalling conditions of Libya's make-shift prisons.
Since the revolution distrust has infected the population as they desperately search for a true alternative which promises more than just the old ideals, newly packaged. They search for an alternative which would bring a new beginning to the people of Libya. But Libya is divided along many lines. Many fear loyalists to Gaddafi are still in positions of power and are waiting to seize control once more. The reaction of many has been to form private militias which are concerned with the interests of a few. These armies are often based on regional divides and thus many of the conflicts between them originate from territorial disagreements. With the election looming many also centre on the struggle to gain political power in the newly emerging state for which they fought.
Welders, shop-keepers and teachers. The revolution turned these men into fighters and, many would argue, heroes. Yet their role in the rebuilding of Libya is tarnished by corruption, violence and disorder. It is not enough that many lost their lives in the fighting, but the death toll continues to rise as groups turn on each other. Lead by untrained commanders, the militias say they are fighting for democracy. They do not trust the government and the national army is seen as a threat to the Libya they want.
But in this time of wide-spread instability, people are resorting to desperate measures in order to gain some sort of control. Without a single enemy, the different groups seek out "the next most dangerous difference" in the form of minorities. The detention centres, run by ex-civilians with no training, house thousands of black migrants who are told there is no place for them in the new Libya despite having lived and worked there for most of their lives. Those suspected of supporting Gaddafi are tortured and often killed in an attempt to purge the country of a regime which worked through similar systems of terror. Despite the highly publicised activity of women in the revolution, support for the women running for election is dubious and their posters are graffitied with mocking or sexist rhetoric.
Human rights monitors are stretched to capacity attempting to flag up abuses. There is no legal system in place to enforce laws or bring offenders to trial let alone to give a fair trial to those wrongly accused who are suffering in the appalling conditions of Libya's make-shift prisons.
Tuesday, 10 July 2012
Where are we now?
Addressing the Muslim world from Cairo in June 2009, President Obama stated, that "The United States does not accept the legitimacy of continued Israeli settlements". "This construction violates previous agreements and undermines efforts to achieve peace. It is time for these settlements to stop." This firm declaration of intolerance for foul play resonated across the Middle East and, many believe, prompted Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu to announce his support for a "Demilitarised Palestinian State" for the first time. Despite this being a step in the right direction as he had previously refused to even consider negotiations with Hamas, the conditions under which such a state would be recognised were restrictive and controversial:
At the 66th Session of the United nations, the PA led a diplomatic campaign to be recognised as the State of Palestine as defined by 1967 borders and with East Jerusalem as its capital as well as stating that Palestinians would not recognise the State of Israel. The request to become the 194th member state of the UN was submitted to Secretary General Ban Ki-moon has not yet been voted on.
- Jerusalem should remain the capital of Israel
- Palestine would have no army
- Palestinians refugees would surrender in their fight for "right of return"
- Jewish settlements in the West Bank would be allowed "natural growth" until further negotiation on their status was complete
At the 66th Session of the United nations, the PA led a diplomatic campaign to be recognised as the State of Palestine as defined by 1967 borders and with East Jerusalem as its capital as well as stating that Palestinians would not recognise the State of Israel. The request to become the 194th member state of the UN was submitted to Secretary General Ban Ki-moon has not yet been voted on.
Dishonesty, Desperation and Destruction
The Road Map for Peace
"In exchange for statehood, the road map requires the Palestinian Authority to make democratic reforms and abandon the use of violence. Israel, for its part, must support and accept the emergence of a reformed Palestinian government and end settlement activity of the Gaza Strip and West Bank as the Palestinian terrorist threat is removed"
In November 2004, Leader of the Palestinian Liberation Organisation Fatah Party and chairman of the Palestinian Authority,Yasser Arafat, died. Suspicions about the dishonest use of foreign aid money for personal expenses amongst Arafat and other PA officials began to gain prominence and caused many Palestinians to transfer support to Hamas. Although more violent and openly encouraging acts of terrorism against the Israeli people, Hamas were perceived as more direct, honest and purposeful (the group initiated many public services and institutions). They do not recognise Israel's right to exist and object to any peace negotiations. Despite being threatened with economic sanctions (an economic boycott was suggested by the US and EU countries) Hamas refuse to denounce their views and are committed to the destruction of the Israeli community which is views as illegal. At the same time, Israel refuse to attempt negotiations with, what it sees as, a terrorist organisation.
In line with this, in 2006, Hamas orchestrated an attack on Israeli forces when a group managed to cross the border from Gaza (from where the group were also firing rockets at Israeli communities) sparking conflict in the region. As the violence raged on, it also began to turn in on itself; Fatah-Hamas conflict in Gaza dominated 2007 and resulted in the death of many Fatah leaders (with other fleeing to Egypt and the West Bank). Nevertheless, Fatah remained in control of the Gaza strip and formed a coalition under President Abbas - although this was criticised for ignoring the fact that public support was predominantly for Hamas. November 2007 saw the first formal support of the two-state solution by both parties after the Annapolis Conference.
A truce was implemented, but eventually ended in 2009 with both sides claiming the other violated the terms of the truce (through acts of terrorism by Palestinians, and through the failure to lift the blockade on Gaza and halt development of settlements by Israelis). Both sides attacked each other fiercely and subsequently the Israeli ground invasion began, killing over 1000 Palestinian combatants and civilians.
"In exchange for statehood, the road map requires the Palestinian Authority to make democratic reforms and abandon the use of violence. Israel, for its part, must support and accept the emergence of a reformed Palestinian government and end settlement activity of the Gaza Strip and West Bank as the Palestinian terrorist threat is removed"
In November 2004, Leader of the Palestinian Liberation Organisation Fatah Party and chairman of the Palestinian Authority,Yasser Arafat, died. Suspicions about the dishonest use of foreign aid money for personal expenses amongst Arafat and other PA officials began to gain prominence and caused many Palestinians to transfer support to Hamas. Although more violent and openly encouraging acts of terrorism against the Israeli people, Hamas were perceived as more direct, honest and purposeful (the group initiated many public services and institutions). They do not recognise Israel's right to exist and object to any peace negotiations. Despite being threatened with economic sanctions (an economic boycott was suggested by the US and EU countries) Hamas refuse to denounce their views and are committed to the destruction of the Israeli community which is views as illegal. At the same time, Israel refuse to attempt negotiations with, what it sees as, a terrorist organisation.
In line with this, in 2006, Hamas orchestrated an attack on Israeli forces when a group managed to cross the border from Gaza (from where the group were also firing rockets at Israeli communities) sparking conflict in the region. As the violence raged on, it also began to turn in on itself; Fatah-Hamas conflict in Gaza dominated 2007 and resulted in the death of many Fatah leaders (with other fleeing to Egypt and the West Bank). Nevertheless, Fatah remained in control of the Gaza strip and formed a coalition under President Abbas - although this was criticised for ignoring the fact that public support was predominantly for Hamas. November 2007 saw the first formal support of the two-state solution by both parties after the Annapolis Conference.
A truce was implemented, but eventually ended in 2009 with both sides claiming the other violated the terms of the truce (through acts of terrorism by Palestinians, and through the failure to lift the blockade on Gaza and halt development of settlements by Israelis). Both sides attacked each other fiercely and subsequently the Israeli ground invasion began, killing over 1000 Palestinian combatants and civilians.
Tuesday, 26 June 2012
The Second Intifada
The unrest continues until this day. A second uprising, more bloody and violent than the last, has left thousands of combatants and civilians dead, wounded or fearful. The Palestinians see this uprising as a legitimate struggle to liberate themselves from the occupation of their country. However, the nature of the Palestinian struggle has led many Israelis to condemn the infatida as a terrorist campaign; attacks by Hamas on Israeli civilians have resulted in the Palestinian Authority loosing credibility as a peace partner. Such attacks have been used to justify regular raids and arrests by Israeli forces as well as the assassination of key actors within Hamas. Consequently, negotiations were halted until the intervention of the Arab League in 2002. It was at the Beirut summit that the Arab-league proposed an alternative political plan in which surrounding countries would bring Israeli-Arab conflict in the region to and end in exchange for Israeli withdrawal from West Bank, Golden Heights and the Gaza Strip and recognition of Palestine as an independent state with a "just solution" for the Palestinian refugees. However, the wording of the initiative was rejected by the Israeli authorities.
Despite a notable restraint from Israeli forces, a suicide bombing which killed 30 Jewish civilians triggered a large-scale military operation called Operative Defensive Shield in which Israeli troops invaded Palestinian territory, imposed curfews for civilians and restricted movement in and out of the region (this included international personnel such as journalist, those monitoring human rights abuses, those delivering aid and medical workers). Furthermore, the construction of the West Bank Fence along the Green Line Border (which marks Israeli territories agreed upon after the 6-day war); this became a major issue on contention between the two sides, but did result in a significant decrease in Palestinian terrorist attacks.
Despite this, the new Israeli government (although battling extreme economic issues) endorsed the "Road map for peace" set forth by the Quartet of the Middle East - which included representative from the EU, US, UN and Russia as well as Mahmoud Abbas who was appointed prime minister of Palestine by Yasser Arafat. However, in order to uphold the Palestinian side of the agreement, Abbas had to "crack down" on the rising level of terrorist activity amongst his people. This was made difficult by Arafats refusal to relinquish power over the security forces. Eventually, Abbas resigned.
With intra-party conflict on both sides (Sharon, the Israeli leader, also caused controversy amongst right-wing Israelis as a result of implementing the Road Map to Peace), the unilateral withdrawal from the Gaza Strip (which aimed to resettle Israelis from the region) was unlikely to bring stability let alone contentment.
Despite a notable restraint from Israeli forces, a suicide bombing which killed 30 Jewish civilians triggered a large-scale military operation called Operative Defensive Shield in which Israeli troops invaded Palestinian territory, imposed curfews for civilians and restricted movement in and out of the region (this included international personnel such as journalist, those monitoring human rights abuses, those delivering aid and medical workers). Furthermore, the construction of the West Bank Fence along the Green Line Border (which marks Israeli territories agreed upon after the 6-day war); this became a major issue on contention between the two sides, but did result in a significant decrease in Palestinian terrorist attacks.
Despite this, the new Israeli government (although battling extreme economic issues) endorsed the "Road map for peace" set forth by the Quartet of the Middle East - which included representative from the EU, US, UN and Russia as well as Mahmoud Abbas who was appointed prime minister of Palestine by Yasser Arafat. However, in order to uphold the Palestinian side of the agreement, Abbas had to "crack down" on the rising level of terrorist activity amongst his people. This was made difficult by Arafats refusal to relinquish power over the security forces. Eventually, Abbas resigned.
With intra-party conflict on both sides (Sharon, the Israeli leader, also caused controversy amongst right-wing Israelis as a result of implementing the Road Map to Peace), the unilateral withdrawal from the Gaza Strip (which aimed to resettle Israelis from the region) was unlikely to bring stability let alone contentment.
Tuesday, 19 June 2012
RESPECT for life
At the Exeter RESPECT festival on the 2nd and 3rd of June, the Oxfam and Amnesty societies joined forces (stay tuned for more arms-trade puns) to raise awareness about the devastating impact of the international arms trade. Having already staged a "die-in" on campus - where one student fell down "dead" every minute to symbolise the rate people are killed by the arms trade - the group of students collaborated with the local city groups to bring their message to the community.
As a festival which celebrates different cultures and values each in their own right whilst encouraging cultural integration, RESPECT was the perfect venue for our campaign. . Whilst the festival seeks to bring different people together along lines of music, food, dance, art and shared interests, the international nature of the trade binds people across the world in a web of corruption, oppression and violence. In an ever-shrinking world, it is no longer enough to view those effected by the arms trade as a separate, militarised fraction of the global society; they are humans and they are dying at the hands of the powerful.
Here is a short film showing our weekend of campaigning!
To sign the petition for a Bullet-proof Arms Trade Treaty, visit http://www.controlarms.org/home
To find out more about the Exeter RESPECT festival, visit the website - http://www.exeter-respect.org/
As a festival which celebrates different cultures and values each in their own right whilst encouraging cultural integration, RESPECT was the perfect venue for our campaign. . Whilst the festival seeks to bring different people together along lines of music, food, dance, art and shared interests, the international nature of the trade binds people across the world in a web of corruption, oppression and violence. In an ever-shrinking world, it is no longer enough to view those effected by the arms trade as a separate, militarised fraction of the global society; they are humans and they are dying at the hands of the powerful.
Here is a short film showing our weekend of campaigning!
To sign the petition for a Bullet-proof Arms Trade Treaty, visit http://www.controlarms.org/home
To find out more about the Exeter RESPECT festival, visit the website - http://www.exeter-respect.org/
Wednesday, 30 May 2012
Adversity in the face of peace
Whilst having moved from Palestine, to Jordan and then to Lebanon, the PLO continued to attack Israel and focused its new tactics on terrorist attacks and aeroplane abduction. Frustrated and desperate to raise the profile of the Palestinian struggle the PLO began launching attacks on civilian targets such as airports, schools and apartment blocks in the 1970's. Perhaps the most famous example is the Munich Massacre where 11 Olympic athletes from Israel were taken hostage and, as a result of a blotched German rescue, killed. The next two decades were marred with violence and conflict. The intifada (Palestinian uprisings) were renowned for stone-throwing groups of youth against armed Israeli soldiers. Hamas was also founded during this time; this group is more concerned with "armed resistance" and carry out acts of terrorism against civilians. The PLO (and their leader Arafat) were recognised as supporting Saddam Hussein's invasion of Kuwait during the Gulf War 1990-1991. The opposition of US intervention by the PLO resulted in many Arab countries (such as Egypt and many other oil-rich countries) severing ties with Palestine and thousands of Palestinians being expelled from Kuwait. In addition any funding for the PLO was removed as they were no longer seen as a partner of peace.
In 1993 Arafat sent a letter to the Israeli prime minister Yitzhak Rabin recognising Israels right to exist and renouncing terrorism. This marked the beginning of the Oslo Peace Process during which negotiations were made towards a two-state solution. In exchange for its own police force, control over certain areas (in West Bank and the Gaza strip), autonomy over legislation etc the Palestinian authorities had to promote acceptance of Israelis and recognise their right to exist. However, the terrorist attacks continued and it was even suspected that these were encouraged by the Palestinian Authority. These allegations were denied by the PA who said that the Israelis had not conceded enough territory to ensure contentment amongst the Palestinians. Once again, violence mounted and suicide bombings along with other terrorist attacks became common.
As a result of these negotiations, which were not seen as desirable by all, intra-faction conflict also occured.Yitzhak Rabin was assinated by a Jewish right-wing radical in 1995. Despite efforts by Shimon Peres to continue negotiations in Rabin's place, the Israeli people voted for Benjamin Netanyahu in the following election due to his commitment to more direct negotiations with the PLO. He disagreed with the notion of granting concessions to the Palestinian people without anything tangible in return in order to build "goodwill".
Meanwhile, a wave of suicide bombings, orchestrated by Hamas, swept through Israel in response to the assination of the Hamas chief bomb-maker. However, this was objected to by the PLO who began attempts to oppress the violence agenda of Hamas. Having failed to do this effectively, Israel sent two secret agents to assassinate the head of Hamas, Khaled Mashal. Complication arose during the attempt and a compromise was established; the return of the captured agents for the antidote to the poison (thus saving Mashal's life) and the release of Palestinian prisoners.
As the violence continued (despite Israels withdrawal from occupied Lebanon) with little hope for diplomacy, in July 2000 the Camp David 2000 Summit was held which was aimed at reaching a "final status" agreement. The summit collapsed after Yasser Arafat would not accept a proposal drafted by American and Israeli negotiators. Barak (the newly elected Israeli leader) was prepared to offer the entire Gaza Strip, a Palestinian capital in a part of East Jerusalem, 73% of the West Bank (excluding eastern Jerusalem) raising to 90-94% after 10–25 years, and financial reparations for Palestinian refugees for peace. Arafat turned down the offer without making a counter-offer.
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